The Phillips curve gave governments a stable menu to dial between unemployment and inflation, until the 1970s delivered both at once across the entire Western world.

Neoliberalism gathers steam in the 1970s and peaks in the 1990s, and Hayek and Friedman never used the label, preferring to call themselves neoclassical liberals.

Friedman's ten-part 1980 series completed his turn from economist to cultural phenomenon, carried by a broadcaster that taxpayers were substantially funding at the time.

Free market ideology worked on Democratic politicians for the same reason it worked on Republicans, because it recast deregulation as liberation and gutted social programs as respect for individual dignity.

Friedman believed in his bones that his philosophy would make the world more just, which is precisely what made him useful to the billionaires funding the think tanks, the law schools and the endowed chairs.

Testifying in October 2008, Alan Greenspan conceded he had wrongly presumed banks were capable of protecting their own shareholders, and the framework that best explained the wreckage was the one Chicago had spent 60 years trying to bury....

Friedman visited Chile once in 1975 and advised a rapid shock treatment, but the economic freedom his students implemented was built on the disappearance and murder of thousands of dissidents.